Sociocultural factors influencing language preservation Automatic translate

In modern linguistics, language maintenance describes the sustained use of a language by a community, where it is passed on to children, remains a means of communication in key areas of life, and is supported by institutions. It is contrasted with language shift, where speakers gradually switch to another, more prestigious or convenient language, and the native language is supplanted.

To assess the vitality of a language, the UNESCO document " Language Vitality and Endangerment " is often used. It proposes nine factors reflecting the degree of threat to the survival of a language. These include intergenerational transmission, the proportion of speakers in a group, areas of use, response to new media, and the availability of educational materials. Most of these criteria relate to social and cultural conditions rather than the internal structure of the language.

J. Fishman’s work on language shift and the Graded Intergenerational Disintegration Scale (GIDS) emphasizes that the continued use of a language within the family and community is a crucial indicator of viability. If parents stop speaking their ancestral language to their children, even high status in school or the media no longer compensates for the loss. This emphasis on social practices and institutions makes sociocultural analysis central to the topic of language preservation.

Global risk assessments show that thousands of languages are at risk of extinction, especially in tropical and Arctic regions, where languages have small ranges and small communities of speakers. In such environments, social attitudes, migration, education, economic pressure, and cultural identity often outweigh the number of speakers per se.

Theoretical models of resilience and sociocultural factors

The UNESCO document identifies nine key factors, including intergenerational transmission, the absolute number of speakers, the proportion of speakers in an ethnic or regional group, the stability of spheres of use, the language’s ability to master new domains and media, the availability of educational materials and literacy, as well as public policy and public opinion. Together, these factors form a picture in which social practices and cultural norms define the boundaries of linguistic behavior.

In GIDS, Fishman proposes a scale ranging from stable languages, completely transmitted to children, to languages existing only in symbolic fragments and documentation. At the lower levels of the scale, the emphasis is on family, local community, and basic education; at the upper levels, the importance of mass media, schools, administration, and higher education increases significantly. Sociocultural factors are effectively distributed across all levels of this scale.

The theory of ethnolinguistic viability (Giles, Bourhis, Taylor) identifies three components: language status, demography, and supporting institutions. Status refers to prestige in the eyes of speakers and the majority, and its connection to economic opportunities, education, and modern technology. The demographic component includes settlement density, the proportion of mixed marriages, and migration. The institutional component encompasses schools, administration, religious organizations, and the media. All three components are social in nature.

In modern studies of local language vitality, these models are often combined. For example, when analyzing Cantonese in Ipoh, Malaysia, the UNESCO scale was used; the language was rated as "unsafe," even though intergenerational transmission persists, but its spheres of use are shrinking, and pressure from Malay, English, and Mandarin is increasing. Such examples demonstrate that the causal factors for language preservation or loss are shaped by the social environment.

Family and intergenerational transmission

Intergenerational transmission within the family is a central sociocultural factor, consistent across all models of resilience. If a child hears the language at home from an early age and uses it in communication with parents and older relatives, the chances of language retention increase significantly. When parents consciously switch to the dominant language, the cycle is interrupted, even with formal instruction.

Modern research on family language policy emphasizes that decisions about the language of communication within a family depend on values, expectations for children’s futures, experiences of discrimination, and the image of success. In Pakistan, families speaking their heritage language at home often face the belief that switching to the official language or English will accelerate social mobility, which weakens the motivation to pass on their ancestral language to their children.

A study of the Hungarian diaspora in Israel showed that stable proficiency in one’s heritage language is maintained by a combination of three factors: regular use within the family, strong intergenerational ties, and pragmatic considerations, such as the desire to maintain contact with relatives in their countries of origin. If one of these factors is compromised, even a positive attitude toward the language does not always translate into daily practice.

Home language practice

Home language practices include the choice of language for communication between parents, with children, and between siblings, as well as the language of stories, songs, and games. UNESCO emphasizes that a language can only be considered viable when children acquire it as a first language, and not just as a subject in school. If children understand the speech of their elders but respond in a different language, intergenerational transmission is already weakened.

Studies of the languages of India and Nepal show that migration to cities often changes home practices: parents switch to the language of education or the urban lingua franca to ease their children’s adaptation, while the village language is limited to conversations with grandparents. As a result, passive knowledge develops without active mastery, which in the next generation develops into complete ignorance.

Data from the Mandar enclave in South Sulawesi, Indonesia, offers an interesting contrast. There, intergenerational transmission remains high: children continue to speak Mandarin at home, and the language remains a natural means of communication in everyday life, not just in folklore. However, school materials and media are poorly represented, demonstrating that strong family practices can partially compensate for the lack of institutional support.

Emotional and identification aspects

Families transmit language not only through the choice of code but also through the emotional content of communication. Studies of home language development emphasize that warm relationships, shared rituals, and the use of the ancestral language in play and affectionate interactions strengthen positive associations with that language in children. Language is perceived not as an academic subject, but as a means of intimacy and security.

Several studies have noted that parents sometimes consciously avoid their heritage language if they associate it with social stigma, poverty, or discrimination experienced in childhood. They then choose the dominant language to shield their children from such experiences. This choice is sociocultural in nature: it is linked to collective experience and images of success, rather than linguistic characteristics.

In diaspora communities, the emotional component is often closely linked to maintaining ties to the native region. For example, studies of Pakistani families show that conversations with relatives over the phone or online in the ancestral language and participation in family celebrations where this language is used strengthen children’s sense of belonging and maintain an interest in the language. In such situations, language connects the migrant generation with a broader cultural circle.

Social attitudes, prestige and linguistic identity

The prestige of a language and the collective attitudes of its speakers are another major sociocultural factor. A UNESCO document emphasizes that internalized negative attitudes toward one’s own language, shaped by external pressure, often lead to a refusal to pass it on to children. People may perceive their language as a hindrance to career advancement, a sign of marginality, or "country stance."

Research on the shift from Punjabi to Urdu and English in Pakistan shows that low prestige, linguistic shame, a lack of technical resources (such as Punjabi interfaces and apps), and a lack of institutional support push young people to choose other codes. Even though the language is widely spoken orally, it is less associated with modern technology and education.

In contrast, studies of Mandarin in Indonesia and the Dapeng dialect in China document high ethnolinguistic pride as a factor in resilience. Speakers value the language as a symbol of belonging to the local community and actively use it in everyday communication, even under pressure from the national standard and regional lingua franca. This positive attitude supports a willingness to invest effort in language preservation.

A study of the Meänkieli language in northern Sweden demonstrates that the motivations of language revivalists are linked not only to cultural memory but also to education, minority rights, and local self-government. Linguistic identity intersects with political and regional identities, and language support becomes a means of strengthening the civil rights of its speakers. This is an example of how sociocultural factors extend beyond the narrowly linguistic sphere.

Demographic and spatial parameters

Demography and geography form the backdrop against which other factors operate. UNESCO and subsequent studies note the importance of the absolute number of speakers, settlement density, the proportion of speakers within a group, and migration patterns. Small and fragmented communities are more vulnerable to epidemics, conflicts, and economic crises.

A global analysis of language extinction risk factors shows that languages with few speakers and limited geographical ranges are more likely to experience rapid speaker decline, particularly in tropical and Arctic regions. In these regions, pressure from public schools, urbanization, and migration to economic centers are rapidly changing the language landscape, and compact villages are transforming into urban diasporas.

Migration to cities and abroad has a dual effect. On the one hand, moving to an urban environment often leads to increased use of the dominant language for study and work. On the other hand, contact with an active diaspora and the schools, cultural centers, and religious organizations it has created can support the ancestral language. The outcome depends on whether a local network is formed where the language remains a convenient means of communication.

A study of language vitality in Brazil’s Serra da Lua region shows that in a multilingual environment, including Macuxi, Wapicana, and English, different groups demonstrate varying degrees of transition to the dominant language. Where the ethnic community is compact and in contact with ancestral lands, language preservation is more vigorous than in more dispersed settlements closely connected to urban centers.

Education and school language policy

School is one of the most significant institutional factors influencing the preservation or loss of a language. In a number of countries, the transition to a national or international language of instruction in primary school has effectively pushed parents and children to abandon their local languages as early as the first generation. The medium of instruction establishes prestige and determines the language in which a child acquires basic knowledge.

A study of the Krama Madya variant of Javanese among young people in Malang, Indonesia, shows that the dominance of Indonesian and foreign languages in educational institutions reduces the intergenerational transmission of polite registers of the native language. Young speakers increasingly use Indonesian even when communicating with elders, and the lack of educational materials and literacy in Javanese weakens their motivation.

On the other hand, bilingual and immersion programs demonstrate that integrating a heritage language into the school system can change the trajectory of learning. In New Zealand, the Kōhanga Reo network of kindergartens and Māori-medium schools relies on full immersion of children in the language from preschool onward, strengthening language proficiency and linking it to modern education. This experience is widely studied as a model for other Indigenous peoples.

In Wales, the development of the Welsh language is closely linked to the expansion of Welsh-medium education, the compulsory study of Welsh in schools, and the government’s long-term strategy, Cymraeg 2050. Higher education research also demonstrates the contribution of universities to maintaining the Welsh language through Welsh-language instruction and teacher training. Here, institutional policy combines with community initiative.

Research on Hawaiian language immersion schools demonstrates a similar dynamic. After Hawaiian was banned as a language of instruction in the late 19th century, the number of children fluently speaking Hawaiian had dwindled by the 1980s. The creation of preschool and school immersion programs led to an increase in enrollment and increased use of the language at home, although it remains considered vulnerable.

Media, digital technologies and new spheres of consumption

UNESCO identifies a separate factor, "response to new domains and media": a language is assessed based on its presence on the internet, social platforms, computer interfaces, and contemporary genres of popular culture. If a language is confined to domestic and ritual communication but absent from new domains, it gradually loses relevance for young people.

A study of the Mandarin language in South Sulawesi shows low scores on this criterion: educational materials and digital resources in the language are almost nonexistent, and the dominance of Indonesian and Baguez on television, radio, and online media limits consumer demand for Mandarin. However, the language remains widely used in everyday, offline settings.

Studies on minority Chinese dialects also note that sustained community use is not always accompanied by a strong presence in technology and media. However, as digital infrastructure grows, the lack of interfaces, fonts, keyboard layouts, and text corpora is becoming a significant obstacle for young speakers.

A special area of research concerns the development of language technologies for underresourced languages. The authors emphasize that the shortage of corpora, dictionaries, and metadata is often due to communities lacking access to technical resources or projects that take into account the interests of their speakers. The development of speech recognition, synthesis, and automatic translation systems for minority languages requires community participation to avoid compromising their own goals with external ones.

Adapting viability questionnaires to sign languages is becoming an important topic. Research assessing the viability of sign languages shows that media and new technologies critically impact accessibility of information for deaf communities: education, government services, and online content are often only available in the dominant spoken language. The development of video platforms and subtitles can change this, but requires institutional support.

Religion, rituals and cultural practices

Religious and ritual practices often serve as a language’s last refuge. In some regions, local languages continue to be used in rituals, chants, and folklore performances, even when everyday communication has shifted to a different code. UNESCO emphasizes that a language’s enduring presence in culturally significant domains helps it retain its value in the eyes of its speakers.

The experience of some European regional languages shows that church services, theatrical performances, and folklore festivals support the public use of the language and stimulate the training of new speakers for performance. However, without everyday use, such support rarely leads to the resumption of intergenerational transmission.

In the case of Meänkieli in Sweden, language is closely linked to local history and specific forms of everyday culture. There, language activists rely on local rituals, gatherings, collective readings, and discussions where language is experienced naturally, not merely as part of a folklore show. This is a sociocultural strategy aimed at associating language with everyday life.

Research on the nexus of "languaculture" in the Māori tradition emphasizes that language and cultural practices are mutually supportive: speaking Māori is inseparable from participation in rituals, life on marae, and the collective responsibility of whānau. In this context, language preservation is perceived as part of a broader practice of maintaining a communal way of life.

Socioeconomic conditions and language

Economic factors often serve as the backdrop against which language decisions unfold. Research on the shift from Punjabi to Urdu and English in Pakistan shows that the majority language is associated with career advancement, access to modern technology, and higher education. The heritage language, meanwhile, remains the language of home and local commerce, but is less associated with prestigious employment.

A global study of language extinction risk factors has identified a link between economic development, transportation infrastructure, and the rate of language loss. In regions where road networks, tourism, and extractive industries are developing, local languages are under pressure from national and international codes, which bring new economic opportunities.

At the same time, some studies suggest that the presence of economic niches where knowledge of the local language is useful or even essential can support its preservation. For example, specific types of crafts, tourism, and local governance may rely on the community language. However, such cases depend on the specific economic structure of the region, and generalizations require caution.

Research on sustainable development and languages emphasizes that using native languages in poverty alleviation, healthcare, and education projects increases their effectiveness, as people better absorb information and participate more actively. Furthermore, the positive socioeconomic impact strengthens the status of language, associating it with practical benefits rather than with backwardness.

Group institutions, activism and planning

Community institutions and activist movements have a significant impact on language preservation. Fishman emphasized that strategies for "reversing language shift" depend on a language’s rank on the GIDS scale, ranging from family initiatives to national policies and media. Local organizations often serve as intermediaries between the state and speakers.

The story of the Kōhanga Reo movement in New Zealand shows how initiatives that grew out of community discussions and concerns about declining native speakers were able to establish a network of full-immersion kindergartens. These institutions bring together older language speakers, parents, and children; the model is built on the principles of family responsibility and a limited role for the state as a supportive partner.

In Hawaii, the creation of private and then public immersion programs was a response to the near-total loss of language among young people. Scholars note that such schools often emerge from bottom-up initiatives, with parents and teachers seeking ways to reintroduce the language into everyday life and then seeking government recognition and funding.

In Wales, language policy combines government strategic documents with the activities of civil society organizations that monitor the implementation of plans to expand Welsh-language education and promote the use of the language in everyday communication. Researchers note that without active community participation, even the most detailed plans can remain mere formalities.

Research on language documentation and revitalization emphasizes that as a language movement develops, community needs change as well: from the basic recording of vocabulary and grammar to the creation of textbooks, media content, and digital resources. This is another facet of the sociocultural factor: scientific and educational institutions must take into account changes within the community.

Globalization, migration and the urban environment

Globalization and accelerated migration make the urban environment the primary space for language contact. In large cities, children and young people are constantly exposed to dominant national and international languages at school, in the media, and in the labor market. Research on intergenerational transmission in urban families shows that language competition is intensifying, and choosing a heritage language in everyday life requires conscious effort.

Empirical studies on youth in multilingual societies indicate that entertainment in dominant languages, digital content, and educational demands combine to create a powerful incentive to shift to one or two high-prestige languages. Without resources in their heritage language, children have fewer opportunities to connect it with modern lifestyles.

At the same time, studies of urban indigenous communities have documented the emergence of new forms of language activity in cities: clubs, evening classes, festivals, and digital projects that utilize language as a means of communication and creativity. Such initiatives foster a sense of belonging and allow for a connection between urban lifestyle and heritage language.

Research on home language development highlights the increasing importance of family language policy in urban settings. Parents decide which language to use at home, how to respond to their children’s code-switching, and in what language to read books and watch cartoons. These decisions often hinge on their vision for their child’s future and which languages will provide access to education and employment.

Specific features of sign languages and languages of small peoples

Sign languages and languages of minority groups often face particular forms of discrimination and invisibility. Research on the viability of sign languages shows that standard questionnaires need to be adapted to the specific needs of deaf communities: boarding schools, deaf clubs, video communication, and the role of interpreters. Here, sociocultural factors encompass not only traditional domains of use but also access to services and information.

In some countries, sign languages are receiving official status, facilitating their use in education, legal proceedings, and the media. However, practical implementation depends on the training of interpreters and teachers and the availability of video content. Even with the law in place, the actual presence of the language in the daily lives of deaf people may remain limited.

Research in Latin America, Asia, and Europe shows that the languages of small indigenous peoples are particularly vulnerable to large-scale infrastructure projects, displacement, and past assimilation policies. Under these conditions, social and cultural support mechanisms — local self-governance, participation in decision-making, and the right to education in one’s own language — become critical for language preservation.

Research on language resilience emphasizes that universal solutions are rarely successful without taking into account the local context. The same set of tools — schools, media, legislation — works differently depending on the history of language suppression or support, the region’s economic structure, and the community’s internal values.

Synthesis of socio-cultural factors in modern research

Modern language vitality assessment projects increasingly employ multidimensional models that combine data on intergenerational transmission, demographics, speaker attitudes, institutional support, and digital presence. A study of Tujia vitality in Hubei Province, China, draws on UNESCO factors and an ecological systems framework, identifying micro-, meso-, and macro-levels of influence. The authors demonstrate that the language is seriously threatened, although intergenerational transmission has not yet been completely interrupted.

Similarly, a study on the viability of the Friulian dialect in Italy uses nine UNESCO factors and compares the findings of various projects. Despite its official status and supportive institutions, the lack of young speakers and the narrowing of areas of use indicate a continuing shift toward Italian. A sociocultural analysis reveals that formal measures do not always guarantee active language use in everyday life.

Research on family language policy and the home development of heritage languages emphasizes the emotional and social dimensions of language choice: the connection between identity, family values, migration experience, and attitudes toward multilingualism. In some cases, parents view bilingualism as a resource and strive to support both languages; in others, the heritage language gives way to a more prestigious one, even in the face of nostalgia.

Research in Pakistan, China, Malaysia, Indonesia, and other countries shows that assessing a language’s viability requires more than just the number of speakers and formal status. Sociocultural factors — prestige, educational practices, family decisions, media, religious life, economic incentives, and activism — together form a complex configuration that determines the fate of a language.

Early childhood, language and social environment

Preschool age is often considered a crucial period for language transmission. Research on Māori and Hawaiian immersion programs shows that it is during the first years of life that children most easily acquire the phonetics, grammar, and cultural patterns of communication of their native language. During this time, language is associated with the fundamental experiences of care, play, and emotional support.

The "language nests" model, first used in New Zealand and then in Finland, Canada, and other countries, is based on children hearing only the community language for most of the day. In these childcare centers, the older generation acts as native speakers of the language and culture, and teachers help integrate the language into the modern preschool curriculum.

Early childhood studies in English-speaking countries note that the presence of the heritage language in preschool increases the confidence of children whose families speak that language at home and reduces the risk of embarrassment for a "different" accent or word formation. The sociocultural factor here is the recognition of language as a normal part of a multilingual environment, not as an aberration.

For urban Indigenous communities, preschool programs in their native languages often combine traditional elements (songs, stories, morning prayers) with modern pedagogical approaches. Research on Māori emphasizes that this connection between cultural practice and learning is highly valued by parents, who feel their children are not disconnected from their community despite living in the city.

Language policy of states and legal frameworks

State policy can support language preservation or, conversely, create obstacles. The UNESCO document on the vitality of languages highlights legislative and institutional support as a separate factor: it considers whether a language is officially recognized and used in parliament, courts, administration, education, and the media.

Historically, many languages have seen their use diminish due to assimilation policies: bans on use in schools, restrictions in print, and the preference for the dominant language in the military and public service. Researchers emphasize that such practices have left speakers feeling that their language is less valuable and potentially detrimental to social mobility.

Modern legislative initiatives are often aimed at rectifying these consequences. A number of countries have adopted acts on the linguistic rights of indigenous peoples, on regional and minority languages, and on the right to education in one’s native language. However, legal norms alone do not guarantee increased viability. Their impact depends on school funding, teacher training, and the development of vocabulary in technical and scientific fields.

A study of the Welsh strategy, Cymraeg 2050, shows how the government is developing a step-by-step plan to increase the number of speakers, expand areas of use, and support Welsh communities. A key element of this plan is the requirement for Welsh language proficiency for certain government positions, as well as support for Welsh-language media. This links the language with real career prospects.

In New Zealand, the recognition of Māori as an official language was accompanied by the creation of the Māori Commission, the development of radio and television channels, and support for immersive programming. The Hawaiian language received constitutional guarantees in the state of Hawaii, facilitating the development of school curricula and the training of civil servants. Research emphasizes that the combination of legal measures and community activism has proven particularly effective.

Higher education, science and training of specialists

Higher education and research centers influence language preservation in several ways. First, they train teachers, translators, linguists, and mediators who are proficient in the language and capable of creating educational materials, dictionaries, and grammars. Second, universities create a space where language can be used in research and professional communication.

Research into universities’ contribution to maintaining the Welsh language shows that teaching subjects in Welsh strengthens its status as a language of science and government, not just everyday life and culture. Students who receive some courses in Welsh are more likely to use it in professional settings and public speaking.

In New Zealand, universities became the basis for training Kōhanga Reo teachers and immersion schools; methods for teaching science, mathematics, and history in Māori were developed. This required the collective efforts of linguists and native speakers to create terminology and teaching materials suitable for different levels.

In research on developing technologies for underresourced languages, universities act as intermediaries between communities and software companies. Labs collect text and speech corpora, create dictionaries and markup, and consult with native speakers regarding priorities. The sociocultural component manifests itself in whose interests the project places at its center.

For small languages, scholarly documentation is often the first step toward creating educational materials for children and adults. However, the authors emphasize that if documentation remains only in archives and is not returned to communities as usable resources, it has little impact on viability.

Major and minor languages in multilingual societies

Sociocultural factors impact major and minor languages differently. In multilingual states, a major regional language can simultaneously be dominant in one region and vulnerable nationally. For example, Cantonese in Malaysia is widely spoken among the Chinese diaspora but faces pressure from Mandarin, Malay, and English.

A study of Cantonese in Ipoh shows its persistence in home communication and some business communication, but a decline in use in education and the public sphere. Young people are increasingly switching to Mandarin and English for career advancement, reserving Cantonese for communication with family. The result is a situation where the language remains vibrant, but its domains of use are gradually shrinking.

Minor languages with thousands or hundreds of speakers are in a much more fragile position. A global analysis has shown that the risk of extinction is particularly high for languages with few speakers living in remote regions, where pressure from national languages increases through schools and media. In such cases, even small changes in educational policy or the economy can dramatically accelerate the shift.

However, not all minority languages are equally vulnerable. Research shows that settlement density, community autonomy, land status, and local institutional status can significantly strengthen or weaken a language’s position. For example, in some regions of Latin America, compact indigenous communities with collective land rights preserve their language longer than groups spread across cities and suburbs.

The Maori Case: Sociocultural Factors of Recovery

Māori is one of the most well-documented examples of language resurgence. By the mid-20th century, the proportion of children fluent in Māori had declined sharply, and English dominated education and government institutions. Many Māori adults recalled school punishments for using their native language, which fostered attitudes of shame and fear.

Since the 1970s, Māori activists have campaigned for language recognition and the establishment of Māori-language educational institutions. A significant sociocultural step was the recognition of the connection between language and the collective history and self-determination of the Māori people. At the same time, a movement for the rights of indigenous peoples and the restoration of treaty relations with the state developed.

The establishment of Kōhanga Reo kindergartens in 1982 transformed the preschool education landscape. These "language nests" were built on the idea that children would be surrounded by Māori speech throughout the day, and that the older generation, with a better command of the language than their parents, would become a natural source of language. The sociocultural impact was to restore intergenerational connections and engage families.

Further development led to the establishment of Māori-language primary and secondary schools (Kura Kaupapa Māori), teacher training, the emergence of television and radio channels, and an increase in Māori-language media content. Official recognition of the language and the emergence of government programs significantly strengthened the movement, but researchers emphasize that the initiative came from the communities.

Contemporary studies note that Māori remains vulnerable: the proportion of speakers among young people is lower than among older people, and English dominates in many areas. However, a combination of educational programs, media, legal guarantees, and family practices has led to a significant increase in the number of speakers and a change in the language’s social status.

The Case of Welsh: A Regional Language in a European State

The Welsh language exhibits a different configuration of factors. Historically, Welsh was the dominant language in Wales, but industrialization, migration, and the dominance of English in administration and education led to a gradual decline in the number of speakers. In the mid-20th century, concerns arose that the language could become marginalized.

Since the 1960s, Welsh activists have fought for the right to use the language in court, on road signs, and in broadcasting. The creation of the S4C television channel, radio stations, and Welsh newspapers has given the language visibility in the public sphere and created jobs for speakers. Research emphasizes that media have become not only a means of information but also a symbol of the language’s status.

A key sociocultural factor was the education reform: the compulsory study of Welsh in schools and the development of schools where Welsh is the language of instruction. This expanded the circle of speakers beyond traditional rural areas. Young people from urban families now have the opportunity to master the language to a high level and use it in their professions.

The government’s Cymraeg 2050 strategy sets the goal of increasing the number of Cymraeg speakers to one million. The document includes measures in education, employment, digital technologies, and public life. The sociocultural vision is to make the language visible in all spheres of modern life, not just in folklore or the home.

Higher education research shows that the presence of Welsh at universities helps establish the language in professional communication, law, medicine, and engineering. However, regional differences persist: in some areas, the proportion of active speakers is higher than in urban areas. This highlights the complex mosaic of factors that persists even with proactive policies.

The Hawaiian Case: From Prohibition to Immersive Education

The Hawaiian language went through a difficult period of displacement by English after Hawaii’s annexation by the United States. In the late 19th century, the use of Hawaiian in schools was effectively banned, and in the 20th century, most children grew up monolingual in English, even if the older generation still spoke Hawaiian.

By the 1970s, the number of speakers had dwindled to a few thousand, primarily among the elderly. Awareness of the language’s threat of extinction spurred activists and scholars to launch a campaign to revive the language. Clubs, adult courses, radio programs, and events dedicated to Hawaiian culture emerged.

A significant turning point occurred with the introduction of immersion programs in kindergartens and elementary schools. Children now had the opportunity to learn Hawaiian, not just study it as a subject. Research shows that graduates of these programs demonstrate high language proficiency and are more likely to use it at home, passing it on to their children.

The constitutional recognition of the Hawaiian language in the state of Hawaii and the development of Hawaiian language programs at universities have strengthened the language’s position in education and the public sphere. However, the economic pressure on English remains strong, and many families employ a hybrid strategy: Hawaiian at home and in the community, and English in the workplace and higher education.

The researchers emphasize that the Hawaiian case demonstrates the importance of community trust in educational institutions. Many parents initially doubted that Hawaiian-language instruction would hinder their children’s English proficiency. The positive results of immersion school graduates gradually changed public attitudes.

Media, digital activism and youth practices

With the spread of the internet and mobile devices, media has ceased to be strictly centralized. Young speakers are increasingly creating their own content: video blogs, podcasts, music projects, memes, online courses in their heritage language. This is changing the sociocultural status of languages previously concentrated in narrow domains.

Research on Māori, Welsh, and other languages shows that digital presence fosters a new identity among young people, one in which their heritage language is associated not only with tradition but also with contemporary cultural genres. For example, the use of Māori words in New Zealand English-language children’s books creates a positive image of bilingualism and reduces the barrier to using Māori.

At the same time, significant disparities in access to technology persist. In some indigenous and rural communities, internet access remains expensive or unreliable, and devices are rare. This limits opportunities for digital activism and widens the gap between urban and rural speakers. Researchers emphasize the need to consider these differences when assessing language viability.

Projects to create language technologies for underresourced languages pay attention to the ethical dimension: who owns the collected corpora, who determines which applications will be created, and how the results are returned to communities. The sociocultural significance here lies in the distribution of control over the digital presence of a language.

Family language policy in diasporas

Diaspora communities add another layer of complexity. Research on heritage languages in migrant families emphasizes that parents are often forced to balance supporting their native language with school and societal demands for proficiency in the majority language. The choice of home language policy becomes a response to social pressure and personal expectations.

The editorial team’s research on language development at home shows that positive emotions, shared reading, songs, and games in the heritage language strengthen its position in the family. However, pressure from teachers, classmates, and the media can lead children to become embarrassed by their parents’ accents or unusual words and prefer to switch to the majority language.

Some migrant communities are establishing Saturday schools and cultural centers where children learn their ancestral language and become familiar with the culture. Research on these types of schools shows that they help maintain the written form of the language and connect children with the wider diaspora. However, success depends on family involvement and the extent to which the language is spoken at home.

Studies on family language policy emphasize that open family discussions of the reasons for preserving a language, stories about the personal experiences of parents and grandparents, and trips to their historical homeland strengthen children’s motivation. The sociocultural factor here is the fostering of a family’s appreciation for multilingualism and a positive attitude toward linguistic differences.

Viability assessment methods and their limitations

Modern language vitality assessment projects use various scales and questionnaires. The UNESCO nine-factor model and subsequent developments, such as the Extended Fishman Index (EGIDS), allow researchers and policymakers to obtain comparable data on the language situation. However, applying these scales to specific communities faces a number of challenges.

First, many parameters require qualitative data: information on family policies, subjective attitudes, and hidden language usage practices. Such data is not always easy to collect, especially in communities that distrust external researchers. Second, quantitative indicators, such as the number of native speakers or the proportion of speakers, often have a wide range of estimates.

Researchers emphasize that the designations "vulnerable," "definitely threatened," or "severely threatened" reflect trends rather than strict boundaries. The same language may appear more resilient when considering urban activists and digital initiatives and more vulnerable when focusing on rural areas and intergenerational transmission.

Studies on adapting methods to sign languages emphasize that standard questions about reading and writing, radio, and print media are poorly suited to assessing languages that function primarily in a visual-sign format. Schools for the deaf, the availability of video materials, and the availability of interpreters in courts and hospitals must be taken into account.

Some authors propose considering viability within a broader framework of "linguistic sustainability," which considers not only current indicators but also communities’ ability to influence their linguistic fate. Here, sociocultural factors — land rights, participation in decision-making, access to education and media — become part of the analysis.

Cross-action of socio-cultural factors

The examples discussed demonstrate that individual factors rarely act in isolation. Family transmission, prestige, education, media, economic incentives, legal frameworks, and activism intertwine to form complex configurations. Researchers increasingly employ interdisciplinary approaches when analyzing the viability of a particular language.

For example, a study of Tujia in Hubei analyzes the combination of urban migration, Mandarin-language schools, the decline of traditional rural life, and the partial loss of intergenerational ties. The authors note that even with many speakers’ positive attitudes toward the language and local identity, these factors are sufficient to accelerate the shift.

A study of Cantonese in Ipoh emphasizes that the language remains strong in family and business settings, but under pressure from education systems, media, and government services in other languages, its use is gradually shrinking. Here, prestige and economic expectations bias language choice, despite the preservation of strong community ties.

Research on Māori, Welsh, and Hawaiian communities demonstrates that a combination of grassroots activism, legal changes, educational reforms, and media development can change trajectories. However, even in these successful cases, areas of vulnerability remain, particularly among youth living outside traditional regions.

Contemporary literature on family language policy emphasizes that family language choice reflects not only personal preferences but also the overall social climate: the value of multilingualism, attitudes toward minorities, experiences of discrimination, and access to resources in the heritage language. These macro- and meso-factors operate through the everyday decisions of parents and children.

Regional differences and global trends

Global studies of language risk show that regions with high biological and cultural diversity often have high levels of linguistic vulnerability. While the causal relationships are complex, many researchers attribute this to the intersection of colonial history, economic marginalization, and the rapid adoption of national and global languages.

In Europe, the situation is different: most languages have a written tradition and some institutional support, but they face the dominance of national languages and the migration of young people to cities. Here, sociocultural measures to support languages often focus on education, media, and regional policy.

In Africa, the linguistic landscape is characterized by a large number of local languages and relatively weak institutions supporting multilingualism. National languages and former colonial languages often occupy key positions in government, business, and higher education, while local languages are preserved in everyday life and religious life. Documentation and policy development for many of these languages are only just beginning.

In Latin America and Asia, indigenous languages face pressure from state languages, but in recent decades, bilingual education programs and projects to strengthen the rights of indigenous peoples have been growing. Sociocultural factors here include struggles for land rights, participation in resource management, and political representation.

Strengthening languages in new generations

Research on children and adolescents shows that language preservation in future generations depends not only on formal structures but also on how young people perceive language in everyday life. If a language is perceived as "the language of the elders" or "the language of the village," motivation to use it declines. However, if it is associated with music, humor, or internet culture, interest increases.

Projects using children’s books, cartoons, and games in heritage languages demonstrate that such resources can enhance home transmission and support parental efforts. Moreover, studies of Māori and Welsh emphasize that speakers value not only the translation itself but also the aesthetic appeal of content in their own language.

At the same time, some authors point out the risk of "folklorization," when a language is present only in songs and festive events but is not used in everyday speech. The sociocultural challenge in such cases is to expand the areas where language remains a natural means of communication: from everyday conversations to professional and academic contexts.

Research on home language policy and intergenerational transmission shows that the sustainable retention of a language in new generations is most often associated with a combination of factors: a positive emotional environment in the family, access to language education, the presence of the language in the media, and recognition of its value in society. None of these components alone guarantees preservation, but their combination creates fertile ground.